慰安婦為何仍是一個禁忌話題？國讎家恨、性與集體恥辱，太複雜

「這世界真好，吃野東西也要留出這條命來看。」

前天塵雪去影院看了中國首部慰安婦題材紀錄片《二十二》。看完覺得有些平淡和失望，作為紀錄片導演的郭柯還欠些火候。但這部紀錄片的意義，不在於導演的拍攝技巧如何，而在於拍攝內容的話題性和「慰安婦」這一主題承載的歷史與現實的複雜性。

紀錄片《二十二》預告片

有點看得不過癮，所以接著看了《二十二》的前一部《三十二》，短片《三十二》同樣是郭柯作品，它只聚焦於一個中國瑤族「慰安婦」韋紹蘭的故事，有更多對於細節的講述，因而也更能打動我。

一方面，我對韋紹蘭被日軍抓走淪為「慰安婦」（當時的人叫「日本娘」）的經歷感到痛心，另一方面，我為他身邊的男人感到羞恥。

韋紹蘭講述說自己背著女兒從日軍關押她的地方逃出來後，餓著肚皮走了幾天幾夜回到家，而一進家門，正在喝粥的丈夫對他說的第一句話竟然是：「你知道回來啊，我還以為你不回來了！」

「我丈夫說我到外面學壞了。」

說完，她神情委屈，淚光閃閃。

除了丈夫，她還要面對鄰居們的非議，還好，有奶娘的開解——「不要罵她，是日本人拿去（抓去）的，不是她的錯。」

導演似乎也意識到「慰安婦」的悲劇，一方面是侵華日軍造成的，另一方面也是周遭「貞潔牌坊」和「重男輕女」的輿論造成的。韋紹蘭對著鏡頭說：「父母不讓我讀書，說從來只有男官，哪有女（縣）官？」

當年，她丈夫反對她生下肚裡的日本兒子，但是奶娘和她害怕以後無法生育，決定生下來。

然而，自生下來那一天起，兒子羅善學的一生也就被毀了。

至今大齡未婚的羅善學對著鏡頭敘述：「有一次，我抓了一隻青蛙，四個同學要我的釣竿，我不給，他們就罵我『是日本人』，這個罵名，背了一輩子，壞了我一輩子。」

韋紹蘭（右）與日本兒子羅善學

另外，我非常佩服韋紹蘭這位婦人堅韌的生命力。

她曾經有著那麼悲慘的經歷，如今說來淚水漣漣，後半生仍舊窮困潦倒，每月靠領取政府的30元救濟金過日子，只買白菜吃，「因為便宜」，平時難得添一樣物什。丈夫死後，她跟兒子相依為命。她年老虛弱的身子顫巍巍地挑著兩桶水艱難爬坡，看得我眼淚直下。

而她卻說：「只要命長，不愁窮。這世界這麼好，我沒想死。」「沒有吃，慢慢來。」「這世界真好，吃野東西也要留著這條命來看。」

影片最後，是老人哼吟的這首歌兒——

…………

天上落雨路上滑，

自己跌倒自己爬。

自己憂愁自己解，

自流眼淚自抹乾。

這世界真好，吃野東西也要留出這條命來看。

第三屆紀錄片大獎最佳短片《三十二》完整版（43分鐘，建議WiFi下觀看）

慰安婦為何仍是一個禁忌話題|觀點

本文作者Ilaria Maria Sala是一位居住在香港的作家。

據紐約時報中文網8月16日報道，香港——不久前的一天晚上，吃過晚飯後，我和朋友們站在交易廣場的亨利·摩爾(Henry Moore)雕像附近。我們不願就此道別，但身後的一個揚聲器音量太大，我們不得不匆忙分手。「數以十萬計的婦女遭到了皇軍的性奴役，日本政府從來沒有真誠地道過歉，也沒有賠償過她們，」高音調的普通話、粵語、日語和蹩腳的英語女聲錄音輪番上陣

這是一個小規模的抗議活動：兩個身材魁梧的中年男子在旁邊晃蕩，一名婦女將頭靠在擺有傳單和捐贈箱的桌子上，還有兩個青銅材質的光腳女孩雕像，一個女孩穿著傳統韓國服裝，應該是韓國人；另一個女孩穿著中式褲衫。

青銅女孩茫然地盯著附近的日本領事館，緊握的拳頭放在腿上。她們腳下放置著被醜化的日本首相安倍晉三(Shinzo Abe)的圖像，彷佛是踩在他的臉上。

雕像和抗議號稱是在向「慰安婦」致敬——有8萬至20萬名婦女在第二次世界大戰期間被招募，為日本士兵提供性服務，其中大多數婦女來自朝鮮半島，也有些來自中國、台灣、菲律賓，以及其他東南亞國家。

但是雕像旁邊的兩個男子屬於一個稱為「保衛釣魚台」的香港團體，中國和日本都聲稱對這些島嶼擁有主權（日本人稱其為尖閣諸島）。青銅女孩身上掛著的大部分旗幟都有反日口號：「反對安倍走上軍事化的老路」、」釣魚台是中國領土」。

隨著慰安婦陸續離世——截止上個月底，韓國只剩下37名仍健在的受害者——這個議題被用來為其他議程，而且往往是民族主義議程服務的狀況變得越來越明顯，也越來越經不起推敲。剩下的幾個倖存者被強加上一個沉重的象性徵角色——對於她們長期希望獲得認可、恢復尊嚴的要求來說，這是又一個打擊。

在東亞各地以及其他地方，類似香港這對雕像的還有20多個，大多數是以2011年擺放在日本駐首爾大使館前面的韓國女孩雕像為藍本。最初的那尊雕像被初創者稱為「和平之像」(Statue of Peace)，它成為了每周反日抗議活動的聚集點，其中有些活動在日韓有主權爭議的島嶼問題上鼓動戰爭，或是呼籲抵制日本商品。

韓國慰安婦事業不僅為民族主義利益集團所綁架，也為該國混亂的國內政治所綁架。2015年，朴槿惠政府和日本政府達成協議，好像終於解決了兩國在這個問題上的爭議。日本政府承認戰時日本參與了為士兵招婦女賣淫的行為，並同意為當時仍然健在46名韓國慰安婦設立10億日元（1日元約合人民幣0.06元）的基金。一位政府官員說，安倍晉三「對於遭受了無法估量的痛苦和不可治癒的生理和心理創傷的慰安婦，再次表達發自內心的誠摯歉意和悔恨」。

但是，安倍晉三的措辭卻接近於1993年的一項正式聲明，被一些慰安婦認為缺乏誠意。在一些人看來，安倍後來似乎也背離了自己的聲明，因為他告訴日本國會，2015年的協議並不要求日方向韓國慰安婦發送道歉信。從一開始就有問題的協議，問題變得更大了。

去年12月，在協議簽訂一周年之際，反對者在韓國第二大城市釜山的日本領事館附近搭建了另一座銅像。日本要求將其拆除，被韓國當局拒絕後，日本召回了部分外交官。

在朴槿惠因為腐敗指控遭到彈劾之後，文在寅(Moon Jae-in)今年5月當選為新總統。他的政府最近宣布，將於明年開始為慰安婦指定一個正式的紀念日，很有可能是8月14日，即日本在1945年投降的日子。文在寅政府也宣布要在首爾興建一座專門的博物館和研究所。

政府稱，考慮這些措施的一個原因是，近期的一次民意調查顯示，75%的韓國人認為2015年的協議並沒有解決慰安婦的爭議。這個問題已經成為韓國在日本帝國手中蒙受恥辱的象徵，它涉及最禁忌的主題：婦女與性。

1991年，就在越來越多曾經的慰安婦開始發聲之際，首爾當局拒絕了在市中心修建紀念碑的建議，說原因是」有損城市景觀」，但他們的拒絕掩蓋了一種深層的不安，一種集體恥辱。關於這個問題的公開討論似乎一再回到慰安婦的貞潔遭受侵犯這個點上。1992年年初，《東亞日報》(Dong-a Ilbo)發表了許多讀者來信，信中譴責這些女性所遭受的玷污，其中一封聲稱「韓國女性認為，貞潔比生命本身更重要」。

到目前為止，韓國唯一用於紀錄慰安婦經歷的場所是「共享之家」，那是由一個私人佛教基金會於1992年在農村修建的庇護所和博物館，倖存的慰安婦在那裡生活並接受藝術療法。她們的很多畫作表現了婦女被拖拽著胳膊和腿，很血腥，表情明顯帶著絕望。這些畫作絕不像帶著近乎脫俗的天真的青銅女孩雕像。

但任何敘述至今仍必須強調慰安婦的這種備受珍視的貞操，一旦偏離這一點就會引發爭議。首爾世宗大學(Sejong University)的文學教授朴裕河(Park Yu-ha)在2013年的著作《帝國的慰安婦》(Comfort Women of theEmpire)中認為，這些女性在戰時的經歷，不應該被簡單地說成一則「純潔無辜的少女被日軍脅迫，淪為性奴」的故事。一批倖存者起訴朴裕河誹謗，並且儘管她們敗訴了，朴裕河仍被包括一些歷史學者在內的批評人士醜化為「親日叛徒」。

朴裕河在書中稱，軍隊妓院里的一些女性是收取報酬的性工作者，還有一些是傭人。她還以檔案文件和第一手的敘述作為證據，稱儘管很多慰安婦的確是被迫成為性奴的，但並不是所有慰安婦都是年輕女性，並且她們的遭遇很多應歸咎於那些許諾她們上前線掙錢的韓國男性。換句話說，朴裕河的意思是，至少部分韓國人曾與日本人合謀。

這正是為什麼對一些人來說，慰安婦必須被描述成年輕、單純、貞潔的性奴：任何與此相異的敘述，都意味著要面對一個更具挑戰性的觀點，即部分韓國女性的確和敵人睡過覺，不管是從字面意義還是比喻意義上，並且其他國人可能也與此事有關。

上周，已知的首部慰安婦影片上線。畫面顯示，站在中國士兵旁邊的，是六名舉止畏縮的婦女，而不是小姑娘。但隨著這些真實存在、遭受過蹂躪的女性陸續離世，有關她們的遭遇的簡化表述——一個被誇大的、有關貞潔遭到侵犯的故事——正在取代她們，同時不願去更全面地正視所有人，包括韓國人在戰時的所作所為。在東亞和其他地方，在既代表又不代表慰安婦悲慘經歷的純銅塑像旁，擴音器和條幅在高聲宣傳著某一個版本的歷史，這是一個無法正視自身複雜性的版本。

韓國首爾在151路公交車上設置了「慰安婦」少女像。新華社記者 姚琪琳 攝

English Version：

WhyIs the Plight of 『Comfort Women』 Still So Controversial?

HONGKONG — One recent night after dinner I was standing with friends near the HenryMoore sculpture in Exchange Square. We were trying to prolong our goodbyes, buta loudspeaker blasting behind us forced us to part hastily. 「The Japanesegovernment has never apologized sincerely or compensated the hundreds ofthousands of women that the Imperial Army forced into sexual slavery,」 arecording of a high-pitched female voice was proclaiming on a loop in Mandarin,Cantonese, Japanese and awkward English.

Itwas a small protest: two burly middle-aged men lounging around, a woman restingher head on a table with flyers and a donation box, and two bronze statues ofyoung girls, seated and barefoot. One of the girls was Korean, judging by hertraditional dress; the other one wore a Chinese pajama tunic.

Thebronze girls stared vacantly toward the Japanese consulate nearby, clenchedfists in their laps. Defaced images of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan hadbeen placed under their feet, as if they had stomped on his face.

Thestatues, and the protest, purported to pay homage to what are widely known as「comfort women」: the 80,000 to 200,000 women — mostly from the KoreanPeninsula, but also from China, Taiwan, the Philippines and other SoutheastAsian countries — who were recruited to provide sex to Japanese soldiers duringWorld War II.

Butthe two men by the statues belonged to a Hong Kong group that calls itself「Defend the Diaoyutai,」 referring to a set of islands claimed by both China andJapan. (Japan calls the islands the Senkaku.) Most of the banners hanging bythe bronze girls carried anti-Japanese slogans: 「Oppose Abe remilitarization」and 「The Diaoyutai are Chinese soil.」

Continuereading the main story

Ascomfort women have been dying off — only 37 South Korean victims were stillalive as of late last month — their cause has become both increasingly visibleand increasingly vulnerable to being appropriated in the service of other,often nationalistic, agendas. The few remaining survivors are being cast in aheavily symbolic role they never asked to play — yet another blow to theirlong-running quest for recognition and the restoration of their dignity.

Thereare more than 20 statues like the pair in Hong Kong throughout East Asia andbeyond, most modeled after one representing a Korean girl that was placed infront of the Japanese embassy in Seoul in 2011. That original 「Statue ofPeace,」 as its creators call it, has become a rallying point for weeklyanti-Japanese protests, some of them belligerent, about islands contested bySouth Korea and Japan or calling for the boycott of Japanese goods.

Thecause of South Korea』s comfort women has fallen hostage not only tonationalistic interest groups, but also to the country』s fractious domesticpolitics. In 2015, the administration of President Park Geun-hye and theJapanese government came to an agreement that was supposed to finally settlethe two countries』 dispute over the issue. The Japanese government admittedwartime Japan』s involvement in procuring women for its soldiers, and agreed toset up a fund of one billion yen (about $9 million) to benefit the 46 SouthKorean comfort women alive at the time. A government official said that Mr. Abeexpressed 「anew sincere apologies and remorse from the bottom of his heart toall those who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical andpsychological wounds.」

ButMr. Abe』s wording hewed close to an official declaration from 1993, which somecomfort women had found lacking in sincerity. To some, Mr. Abe also laterseemed to backtrack from his own statement when he told the Diet that the 2015deal did not require Japan to issue letters of apology to South Korean comfortwomen. The deal itself, which was problematic from the start, became even moreso.

LastDecember, on the first anniversary of the agreement, opponents erected anotherbronze statue near the Japanese consulate in Busan, South Korea』ssecond-largest city. Japan asked for its removal, and when the South Koreanauthorities refused, it recalled some of its diplomats.

Thenew government of Moon Jae-in, which was elected in May after Ms. Park』simpeachment on corruption charges, has recently announced that it intends todesignate an official day of commemoration for comfort women starting next year— most likely Aug. 14, the day of Japan』s surrender in 1945. The Moonadministration has also announced plans to build a dedicated museum andresearch institute in Seoul.

Onereason the government has given for considering these measures is that,according to a recent poll, 75 percent of South Koreans think the 2015agreement did not, in fact, settle the comfort women dispute. Another reason —this one not given — is that the issue has become the symbol of Korea』shumiliation at the hands of imperial Japan, and by way of that most taboo ofsubjects: women and sex.

In1991, as more and more former comfort women began to speak up, the Seoulauthorities rejected a proposal to build a monument honoring them in the citycenter, citing 「impairment to the landscape.」 But their refusal belied a deepdiscomfort, a collective shame. Public discussion about the issue seemed toreturn, again and again, to the notion that the purity of comfort women hadbeen violated. In early 1992, the daily newspaper Dong-a Ilbo published manyreader letters decrying the women』s soiling, including one claiming that「Korean women regard chastity as more important than life itself.」

Tothis day, the only site in South Korea that chronicles the experience ofcomfort women is the 「House of Sharing,」 a shelter and museum in thecountryside built by a private Buddhist foundation in 1992, where survivorslive and practice art therapy. Many of their paintings show women dragged bythe arms and legs, bloodied and visibly in despair. The images are nothing likethe innocent-looking, nearly ethereal girls of the bronze statues.

Butany account that strays from exalting the purported purity of comfort womenremains controversial. Park Yu-ha, a professor of literature at SejongUniversity, in Seoul, argued in her 2013 book 「Comfort Women of the Empire」that these women』s wartime experience should not be reduced to a story about「pure innocent teen girls coerced by Japanese soldiers to be sex slaves.」 Agroup of survivors sued Ms. Park for defamation, and though they lost the case,she was branded 「a pro-Japanese traitor」 by critics, including some historians.

Inher book, Ms. Park argued that some of the women in military brothels were paidsex workers, and others were servants. Pointing to archival documents and firsthandaccounts, she also claimed that while many comfort women were indeed forcedinto sexual slavery, not all of them were young girls, and that much blame fortheir suffering lay with the Korean men who had promised them paid work by thefront. Ms. Park, in other words, suggested that at least some Koreans hadcollaborated with the Japanese.

Thisis why for some, comfort women must be represented as having been young andpure, virginal, sex slaves: Anything else would mean wrestling with the farmore challenging notion that some of South Korea』s women did sleep with theenemy, literally and metaphorically, and that the rest of the nation may havehad something to do with that.

Thefirst known footage of comfort women surfaced last month, and it shows, standingnext to Chinese soldiers, a half-dozen cowering women, not girls. Yet as thereal, ravaged bodies of such women continue to disappear, a simplistic accountof their suffering — an exalted story about innocence violated — is replacingthem and obviating the need for a fuller reckoning of everyone』s, includingKoreans』, wartime actions. In East Asia and elsewhere, next to chaste bronzestatues that both do and do not represent the plight of comfort women,loudspeakers and banners blare out a version of history that cannot contemplateits own complexity.

國際文藝范兒塵雪（Wenyifanerchenxue）

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